Urban redevelopment in Sacramento, California

The City of Sacramento, which serves as the state capital of California, was founded in December 1848 by John Sutter. The following year, California's Gold Rush brought an influx of "forty-niners" and, shortly thereafter, goods, services, and industry to meet the needs of the booming population. Throughout the late 19th and early 20th century, Sacramento's commercial, industrial, government, and residential uses flourished, creating a vibrant urban downtown.

By the middle of the 20th century, however, much of historic downtown Sacramento had fallen into disrepair and neglect, leading to widespread degradation. This decline was driven by several factors, including economic disinvestment, the white flight to the suburbs, redlining, and inadequate maintenance of infrastructure. Residents began moving further east into the growing suburbs burgeoning along the American River. Between 1950 and 1970, Sacramento experienced significant changes in its residential and commercial landscape due to racial covenants, redlining, and Racial steering. These market interventions reinforced residential segregation by directing non-White residents away from redevelopment zones in the central city.

The Federal Housing Act of 1949 aimed to eliminate substandard living conditions and provided subsidies for urban renewal projects. Initially focused on improving residential areas, amendments in 1954 shifted the emphasis to commercial development. Sacramento city planners capitalized on these changes to transform the West End.

This period saw a new phase of redlining and economic divestment that further entrenched racial segregation in Sacramento. According to a 1960 report by the Sacramento Redevelopment Agency, 80% of the residents displaced by redevelopment in the West End were Black or Mexican American. The city's racial composition reflected this systemic segregation. In 1960, 89% of Sacramento's White population lived outside the central city, while 70% of the Black population resided in just two neighborhoods designated for urban renewal. This displacement not only disrupted established communities but also funneled minority populations into specific areas, exacerbating economic and social disparities.

In addition to these redevelopment efforts, the construction of interstate highways further shaped the city's landscape and demographic patterns. The development of Interstate 5 and Interstate 80, along with U.S. Route 50, created physical barriers that isolated certain neighborhoods, particularly those with high concentrations of minority residents. The placement of these highways often bisected established communities, leading to further displacement and reinforcing segregation.

In response to the growing concerns about urban renewal and its effects on communities, Sacramento held a referendum in the early 1960s to address the future of redevelopment projects. The referendum sought to gauge public opinion on the continuation of these projects, which were seen by some as necessary for economic growth and by others as destructive to established neighborhoods. The city of Sacramento voters soundly defeated the urban renewal plan for the west end (Proposition B) in November 1954. Despite the loss, city council members subsequently voted to proceed with redevelopment plans anyway.

Interest in urban redevelopment and historic preservation grew in the 1970s and began to take shape in the 1980s with the publicly financed renewal of Old Sacramento and the private development of several office buildings along the Capital Mall. After a slight lull in development due to the recession of the early 1990s, Mayor Heather Fargo made the downtown a pillar of her program in 2001. Since then, the increase in population, traffic, and housing values has increased interest in downtown living among metropolitan residents, making high-rise condominium living financially viable. A multitude of private and government developments have emerged in the capital city over the past two years.

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